Women's Health Center of West Virginia, Inc. v. Panepinto
Nos. 21924, 21925 and 21926
McHugh, Justice, dissenting:
I dissent from the majority
opinion because I believe that a state is not required to provide funding to
enable a woman to exercise her right to have an abortion. Like the majority, I
agree that the question before the Court "does not turn on the morality or
immorality of abortion, and most decidedly does not concern the personal views
of the individual justices as to the wisdom of the legislation itself or the
ethical considerations involved in a woman's individual decision whether or not
to bear a child." Committee to Defend Reprod. Rights v. Myers, 625
P.2d 779, 780, 172 Cal. Rptr. 866, 867 (1981). However, unlike the majority, I
conclude that W. Va. Code, 9-2-11 [1993] does not violate the West
Virginia Constitution.
The Supreme Court of Michigan
was faced with the same issue in Doe v. Dept. of Social Services, 487
N.W.2d 166 (Mich. 1992) and concluded that the Michigan Medicaid statute which
funded childbirth, but not abortion unless the abortion was medically necessary
to save the mother's life, does not violate the equal protection clause in the
Michigan Constitution.See footnote 1
1
I find the analysis of the Supreme Court of Michigan to be persuasive.
Therefore, I will follow the Supreme Court of Michigan's analysis in my dissent.
As the majority points out and
as the Supreme Court of Michigan notes, the Supreme Court of the United States
has analyzed this very issue in a series of cases. In Maher v. Roe, 432
U.S. 464, 97 S. Ct. 2376, 53 L. Ed. 2d 484 (1977) the Supreme Court of the
United States upheld a Connecticut statute which limited state funding for
abortions to medically necessary abortions performed during the first trimester
of pregnancy. In reaching its conclusion the Supreme Court of the United States
acknowledged that Roe v. Wade, 410 U.S. 113, 93 S. Ct. 705, 35 L. Ed. 2d
147 (1973) gave a woman the right under the federal constitution to choose an
abortion. However, in Maher the Supreme Court of the United States
clarified the Roe decision:
Roe did not declare
an unqualified 'constitutional right to an abortion,' . . . .
Rather, the right protects the woman from unduly burdensome interference with
her freedom to decide whether to terminate her pregnancy. It implies no
limitation on the authority of a State to make a value judgment favoring
childbirth over abortion, and to implement that judgment by the allocation of
public funds.
Maher, 432 U.S. at 473-74, 97 S. Ct. at 2382, 53 L. Ed. 2d at 494.
The Court in Maher explained that "[t]here is a basic difference
between direct state interference with a protected activity and state
encouragement of an alternative activity consonant with legislative
policy." Id. at 475, 97 S. Ct. at 2383, 53 L. Ed. 2d at 495
(footnote omitted).
In Harris v. McRae, 448
U.S. 297, 100 S. Ct. 2671, 65 L. Ed. 2d 784 (1980), the Supreme Court of the
United States held that the Hyde Amendment, which placed federal restrictions on
Medicaid funds for abortions except in a limited number of circumstances, did
not violate the establishment clause in the First Amendment nor the equal
protection clause of the Fifth Amendment of the United States Constitution.
In reaching its conclusion the Supreme Court of the United States noted that
although government may not
place obstacles in the path of a woman's exercise of her freedom of choice, it
need not remove those not of its own creation. Indigency falls in the latter
category. The financial constraints that restrict an indigent woman's ability to
enjoy the full range of constitutionally protected freedom of choice are the
product not of governmental restrictions on access to abortions, but rather of
her indigency. Although Congress has opted to subsidize medically necessary
services generally, but not certain medically necessary abortions, the fact
remains that the Hyde Amendment leaves an indigent woman with at least the same
range of choice in deciding whether to obtain a medically necessary abortion as
she would have had if Congress had chosen to subsidize no health care costs at
all.
Id. at 316-17, 100 S. Ct. at 2688, 65 L. Ed. 2d at 804 (citing Maher,
supra).
The Supreme Court of Michigan in
Doe, supra, discussed the Supreme Court of the United States'
equal protection analysis found in Harris, supra, and Maher,
supra, in detail. Doe points out that with this issue there are
two levels at which an equal protection analysis can take place.See
footnote 2
2
Ordinarily, the legislation must be rationally related to a legitimate
governmental purpose. However, if the legislation creates a classification which
is based on suspect factors or prevents the exercise of a fundamental right,
then the legislation must be analyzed with strict scrutiny. This analysis,
although ignored by the majority, is not foreign to this Court. E.g., Gibson
v. W. Va. Dept. of Highways, 185 W. Va. 214, 406 S.E.2d 440 (1991); Means
v. Sidiropolis, 184 W. Va. 514, 401 S.E.2d 447 (1990); Courtney v. State
Dept. of Health, 182 W. Va. 465, 470, 388 S.E.2d 491, 496 (1989); and Israel
v. West Virginia Secondary Schools Activities Commission, 182 W. Va. 454,
388 S.E.2d 480 (1989).
The Supreme Court of the United
States determined that strict scrutiny did not apply to the issue. In Maher,
the Supreme Court of the United States pointed out that "this Court has
never held that financial need alone identifies a suspect class for purposes of
equal protection analysis." Maher, 432 U.S. at 471, 97 S. Ct. at
2381, 53 L. Ed. 2d at 492-93 (citations omitted). Furthermore, the Supreme Court
of Michigan pointed out that "[t]he United States Supreme Court has held in
other cases that a legislature's election not to fund the exercise of a
fundamental right does not impinge upon that right[.]" Doe, 487
N.W.2d at 172 (citing Regan v. Taxation with Representation, 461
U.S. 540, 103 S. Ct. 1997, 76 L. Ed. 2d 129 (1983) and footnote omitted).
Therefore, the Supreme Court of the United States found that the failure to fund
abortions did not interfere with an indigent woman's fundamental right to choose
an abortion. See Maher, supra.
Since strict scrutiny is not
applicable, then the legislation needs only to be rationally related to a
legitimate governmental interest. As Doe, supra, points out, even
the Roe decision acknowledges that the state does have an
"'important and legitimate interest . . . in protecting the potentiality of
human life.'" Id. at 173, citing Roe v. Wade, 410 U.S.
at 162, 93 S. Ct. at 731, 35 L. Ed. 2d at 182 (1973). In fact, the Supreme Court
of the United States has emphasized that no burden is imposed upon the
government to remain neutral regarding abortion:
'[The right recognized in Roe] implies no limitation on the authority of
a State to make a value judgment favoring childbirth over abortion, and to
implement that judgment by the allocation of public funds.' Maher, 432
U.S. at 474, 97 S. Ct. at 2382.
Id. Therefore, the Supreme Court of the United States concluded that the
legislation which refused to fund abortions except in limited circumstances was
rationally related to a legitimate governmental interest. See Maher,
supra, and Harris, supra.
In Doe, supra, the
court below had found that the Michigan Constitution provided greater protection
under its equal protection clause than its federal counterpart. The Supreme
Court of Michigan disagreed and held that the equal protection clause in the
state constitution provided the same protection as its federal counterpart and
applied the same analysis the United States Supreme Court had to the issue. Like
the Supreme Court of Michigan I find that the more sound approach to this issue
is to follow the analysis provided by the Supreme Court of the United States.
However, unlike Doe, the
majority, in the case before us, found that the West Virginia Constitution
provides greater protection than the United States Constitution. The
rationale of the majority is that "the common benefit clause of article
III, section 3 of the West Virginia Constitution imposes an 'obligation upon
state government . . . to preserve its neutrality when it provides a vehicle'
for the exercise of constitutional rights." Women's Health Center of
West Virginia, Inc. v. Panepinto, Nos. 21924, 21925, 21926, slip op. at 14,
___ W. Va. ___, ___, ___ S.E.2d ___, ___ (filed December 17, 1993) (citing
United Workers v. Parsons, 172 W. Va. 386, 398, 305 S.E.2d 343, 354
(1983)). Based on the above premise, the majority went on to hold that once the
government provides medical care to an indigent woman it must do so in a neutral
manner, and that funding childbirth but not abortion in some circumstances was
not neutral.
Although not clear, it appears
that the majority applied a strict scrutiny analysis. The majority made a
two-fold finding. The first is that W. Va. Code, 9-2-11 [1993], impinges
upon a woman's fundamental right to an abortion since as a practical matter an
indigent woman would not have the freedom to choose an abortion. Within this
analysis, the majority found that if the government does not equally fund two
competing fundamental rights, then it is infringing upon one of those
fundamental rights. The second is that W. Va. Code, 9-2-11 [1993],
infringes upon a woman's fundamental right to safety found in article III,
section 1 of the West Virginia Constitution.
I recognize that this Court has
previously held that the West Virginia Constitution, in rare
circumstances, affords a higher degree of protection than the United States
Constitution does. However, the case before us does not present a need for
such protection. In fact, the majority's adoption of the "neutrality in
funding" principle could have a profound adverse impact on the indigent or
others who seek government assistance. The frightening effect of the majority's
reasoning will be to chill government aid since it would be virtually impossible
financially to fund all competing fundamental rights equally.
For instance, in syllabus point
3, in relevant part, of Pauley v. Kelly, 162 W. Va. 672, 255 S.E.2d 859
(1979) this Court held that an education is a "fundamental, constitutional
right in this State." Does this mean that the state government must fund
private schools since it funds public schools? If the majority holds to its
position, the answer is yes. The majority's reliance on the neutrality in
funding principle could logically authorize private religious and non-religious
schools to seek and obtain equal funding for the exercise of their fundamental
right to education. Norwood v. Harrison, 413 U.S. 455, 462, 93 S. Ct.
2804, 2809, 37 L. Ed. 2d 723, 729 (1973) points out the difficulties of the
majority's position: "It is one thing to say that a State may not prohibit
the maintenance of private schools and quite another to say that such schools
must, as a matter of equal protection, receive state aid." (quoted
in Doe, 487 N.W.2d at 172).
More importantly, the government
has always enacted laws which encourage one right as opposed to a competing
right. For instance, many state governments have enacted legislation which
benefits marriage. See Doe, supra (Levin, J., concurring).
However, a person has just as much of a right to choose to be single; yet,
governments do not accord the same benefits to the single person as they do to
the married couple.
The majority's concept of
government neutrality in the case before us would make most government aid or
lack thereof unconstitutional:
It will always be possible to
argue that an entitlement created by the state promotes one bundle of
fundamental rights at the expense of another. A requirement of neutrality would
mean that the government could create no entitlement without also creating an
equal and opposite entitlement. Under such a scheme of government, the role of
the judiciary would be to police neutrality in legislation, steadfastly striking
down any legislation that expressed an idea, contained a thought, or took a
position on the issues that matter most. Only legislation consisting of dull
gray matter would survive.
Doe, 487 N.W.2d at 185 (Levin, J., concurring).See
footnote 3
3
Obviously, this is not what the constitutional framers had in mind when
they drafted the state constitution.
Additionally, the safety
argument of the majority, based on article III, section 1 of the West
Virginia Constitution, is without merit. W. Va. Code, 9-2-11 [1993],
in relevant part, specifically states that funds will be provided for an
abortion if a physician determines in his best clinical judgment that there is
(i) A
medical emergency that so complicates a pregnancy as to necessitate an immediate
abortion to avert the death of the mother or for which a delay will create grave
peril of irreversible loss of major bodily function or an equivalent injury to
the mother: Provided, That an independent physician concurs with the physician's
clinical judgment; or
(ii)
Clear clinical medical evidence that the fetus has severe congenital defects or
terminal disease or is not expected to be delivered; or
(2) The
individual is a victim of incest or the individual is a victim of rape when the
rape is reported to a law-enforcement agency.
It is apparent that the legislature did consider the woman's psychological and
physiological safety when drafting W. Va. Code, 9-2-11 [1993].
Moreover, we have stated that
"[a] fact once determined by the legislature, and made the basis of a
legislative act, is not thereafter open to judicial investigation." Syl.
pt. 4, State ex rel. W. Va. Housing and Development Fund v. Copenhaver,
153 W. Va. 636, 171 S.E.2d 545 (1960). In chapter 16 of the West Virginia
Code, which is entitled "Parental Notification of Abortions Performed
on Unemancipated Minors," the legislature found that "the medical,
emotional and psychological consequences of abortion are serious and of
indeterminate duration, particularly when the patient is immature[.]" W.
Va. Code, 16-2F-1 [1984], in relevant part. Even though the above
legislative finding of fact concerns minors, it is equally applicable to the
issue before this Court. Therefore, this Court may not ignore the legislature's
determination that abortions may pose a threat to a woman's safety.
Abortion is an emotionally
charged issue. Therefore, as long as the government does not interfere with a
woman's right to choose an abortion, the decisions regarding the funding for
abortions should be left to the legislature. As we have previously stated,
"[i]t is not the province of the courts to make or supervise legislation,
and a statute may not, under the guise of interpretation, be modified, revised,
amended, distorted, remodeled, or rewritten[.]" State v. General Daniel
Morgan Post No. 548, Veterans of Foreign Wars, 144 W. Va. 137, 145, 107
S.E.2d 353, 358 (1959) (citation omitted). See also syl. pt. 1, Consumer
Advocate Division of the Public Service Commission v. Public Service Commission,
182 W. Va. 152, 386 S.E.2d 650 (1989).
Additionally, this Court has
consistently recognized that whenever possible statutes should be found to be
constitutional:
'In
considering the constitutionality of a legislative enactment, courts must
exercise due restraint, in recognition of the principle of the separation of
powers in government among the judicial, legislative and executive branches.
Every reasonable construction must be resorted to by the courts in order to
sustain constitutionality, and any reasonable doubt must be resolved in favor of
the constitutionality of the legislative enactment in question. Courts are not
concerned with questions relating to legislative policy. The general powers of
the legislature, within constitutional limits, are almost plenary. In
considering the constitutionality of an act of the legislature, the negation of
legislative power must appear beyond reasonable doubt.' Point 1 Syllabus, State
ex rel. Appalachian Power Company v. Gainer, 149 W. Va. 740 [143 S.E.2d 351].
Syl. pt. 3, State ex rel. W. Va. Housing Development Fund, supra.
Whether or not the government should fund abortions and/or childbirth for the
indigent woman is a matter of legislative policy. The legislature is the proper
forum for debating whether W. Va. Code, 9-2-11 [1993] is unwise, not the
judiciary. As we recently stated, "the judiciary may not sit as a
superlegislature to judge the wisdom or desirability of legislative policy
determinations made in areas that neither affect fundamental rights nor proceed
along suspect lines." Tony P. Sellitti Construction Co. v. Caryl,
185 W. Va. 584, 593, 408 S.E.2d 336, 345 (1991), cert. den., ___ U.S.
___, 112 S. Ct. 969, 117 L. Ed. 2d 135 (1992) (citing City of New
Orleans v. Dukes, 427 U.S. 297, 303, 96 S. Ct. 2513, 2517, 49 L. Ed. 2d 511,
517 (1976)).
W. Va. Code, 9-2-11
[1993] does not trample on a constitutional right. It does not prevent a woman
from exercising her fundamental right to choose an abortion. The majority has
chosen to cast aside well-established legal principles to reach its conclusion.
The holding will have limited precedential value because the majority will not
be able to adhere to the result of the neutrality in funding issue when it comes
up in other contexts. Accordingly, based on the above discussion, I respectfully
dissent. I am authorized to state that Chief Justice Brotherton joins me in this
dissent.
'Notwithstanding
any other provision of this act, an abortion shall not be a service provided
with public funds to a recipient of welfare benefits, whether through a program
of medical assistance, general assistance, or categorical assistance or through
any other type of public aid or assistance program, unless the abortion is
necessary to save the life of the mother. It is the policy of this state to
prohibit the appropriation of public funds for the purpose of providing an
abortion to a person who receives welfare benefits unless the abortion is
necessary to save the life of the mother.' M.C.L. § 400.109a; M.S.A. §
16.490(19a).
Doe, 487 N.W.2d at 169.
First, when a suspect
classification, such as race, or a fundamental, constitutional right, such as
speech, is involved, the legislation must survive 'strict scrutiny,' that is,
the legislative classification must be necessary to obtain a compelling state
interest . . . . Second, a so-called intermediate level of
protection is accorded certain legislative classifications, such as those which
are gender-based, and the classifications must serve an important governmental
objective and must be substantially related to the achievement of that objective
. . . . [H]owever, this 'middle-tier' equal protection analysis
is 'substantially equivalent' to the 'strict scrutiny' test stated immediately
above . . . .
Third,
all other legislative classifications . . . are subjected to the least level of
scrutiny, the traditional equal protection concept that the legislative
classification will be upheld if it is reasonably related to the achievement of
a legitimate state purpose.
(citations omitted). Although there are technically three levels of equal
protection analyses in West Virginia, in the case before us only two need to be
considered.